These are the places where infant and child migrants are held
These are the places where most infants and children are held after they cross the US-Mexico border without prior authorization.
Children are sent to different facilities across the country depending on their age, gender, history of behavioral issues or criminal activity, or medical needs. These centers are overseen by the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee Resettlement, who said the average stay is 56 days.
Some are newly built "tender age" facilities to accommodate the influx of children under 13 who have been separated from their parents under the Trump administration's zero tolerance immigration enforcement policy. One of those facilities is a former private home about 20 miles from the US-Mexico border in Texas town of Combes, operated by Southwest Key Programs.
A set of black strollers and a small playground were the only visible signs of some 60 children ranging in age from infants to 10 years old housed inside.
Others facilities have existed for years as shelters for unaccompanied migrant children who enter the US alone or were separated from their families.
But the administration has been tight-lipped over who's going where, exactly.
The Homestead Temporary Shelter for Unaccompanied Children in Florida is a former Job Corps site that has been used as a shelter for unaccompanied minors since 2014.
Photos taken this week showed boys and girls at the shelter. On Tuesday, Florida Gov. Rick Scott sent a letter to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar expressing concern over "unconfirmed reports" that the shelter is "potentially holding children who have been forcibly removed from their families."
In his letter, Scott demanded confirmation of reports that children separated from their families were being sent to the Homestead shelter. He also requested information about health screening protocols at the border and what, if any, health and education resources were being provided to children placed in Florida.
In Texas, the administration opened a new temporary shelter in June on federal land in Tornillo to accommodate the influx of children.
The shelter consists of what an HHS spokesman called "soft-sided structures" resembling tents equipped with air-conditioning to withstand the high temperatures
The Tornillo camp was originally built with 360 beds and room for expansion.
At the Central Processing Center in McAllen, US Border Patrol agents conduct intake of migrants.
After intake, people are taken into custody while they await prosecution or deportation proceedings.
Images of people held in cages have drawn widespread criticism and calls for reform of immigration enforcement policies.
Democratic Texas Rep. Filemon Vela Jr. toured a new shelter in Brownsville for children under 13, pictured below. The center is managed by the nonprofit Southwest Key Programs in coordination with Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee Resettlement.
He said the former hospital has about 80 children under the age of 10 -- 40 of whom he believed were separated from their parents as a result of the zero tolerance policy. One room held four infants, two of whom were accompanied by their teenaged mothers, he said. The children receive constant attention, he said. "People are doing what they can under the circumstances."
Elsewhere in Brownsville, Southwest Key Programs operates the Casa Padre Shelter inside the 250,000-square-foot shell of a former Walmart superstore.
The shelter, which houses boys ages 10 to 17, has seen its numbers surge since it opened last year. The rooms have no doors or ceilings, and five cot-like beds have been squeezed into bedrooms built originally for four. Currently, it houses 1,469 people.
Southwest Key CEO Juan Sanchez said his organization runs childcare facilities, not detention centers.
"Our job is to take care of kids and that's what we do and we do it very well," he told CNN affiliate KTRK. "Regardless of policy and whatever's going on politically, that's not our job, Our job is to take care of kids."
Why he caved: Inside Trump's rare reversal
It was an abrupt decision for a President known more for leaning into his unpopular decisions than abandoning them. Even though internal discussions about confronting the child detentions had been ongoing for a week, Trump's decision to sign an executive order still caught some of his closest aides off-guard. The swift turn of events is leading to new questions about the advisers who encouraged Trump to hold the line, even as his staunchest protectors urged him to change course.
Meanwhile, the document Trump signed won't reunite the more than 2,300 children currently separated from their parents, whose plight Trump admitted privately this week was deeply damaging to him politically.
As deflated members of his staff either rush for the exits or distance themselves from his whims, Trump is largely alone. Now going on three months without a communications director, Trump determined himself when and how to speak out. Eternally wary of appearing weak in the face of critics, Trump wrestled for days with how to confront the humanitarian and political crisis, people familiar with his thinking said, but took outside advice only fleetingly.
How precisely the executive order Trump signed on Wednesday will remedy the current situation isn't yet known. It's likely to be tied up in a court battle, and the Department of Health and Human Services acknowledged hours after Trump signed the order in the Oval Office that the thousands of children being held now won't be reunited with their parents right away.
The department later walked back that statement, saying the spokesman "misspoke" and that it would await further guidance on how to proceed.
The confusion spoke to the rushed nature of the measure, which came about rapidly after Trump instructed aides early on Wednesday to prepare a way for him to officially, and publicly, end the separation practice. As he did during a Tuesday evening meeting with lawmakers on Capitol Hill, Trump again acknowledged privately the following morning that the images of children played terribly for him, even as he speculated the media was only showing the worst pictures.
Trump insisted to aides he take some type of formal action, despite the fact the separations could be ended without one, saying it was necessary he be seen as taking a decisive step rather than quietly reversing his own "zero-tolerance" policy that led to the crisis.
Reality on Capitol Hill
His decision was aided by stark reality from Capitol Hill: neither of the two bills that might end the practice was garnering enough support for passage, leading to an unclear path for a quick legislative fix. Several White House officials advised the President to accept a stand alone bill addressing family separations or some other solution to this issue. But Trump was loathe to give up leverage in the fight for his border wall funding and other priorities.
By Wednesday morning, however, it was clear whatever leverage he may have had had evaporated amid the political crisis.
"How do you think the leverage is playing for us right now?" asked one official sarcastically.
Reflecting his displeasure with Congress, Trump also announced he was would no longer host the annual congressional picnic Thursday, leading to the dejected sight of popcorn machines being re-loaded into their crates and trucked away from the South Lawn. Even that decision was made last minute; moments before he called off the event, White House cooks were still busy grilling steaks in preparation for the event.
Elsewhere, a flurry of activity surrounded the sudden about-face. Just before 11 a.m., as reports emerged of a potential executive order, the President's policy adviser Stephen Miller was seen leaving the press secretary Sarah Sanders' office. Both he and Sanders refused to comment on the existence of an executive order draft. Other aides also flocked to Sanders' office, but declined comment on the pending action.
On Capitol Hill, staffers on the White House legislative team were meeting with congressional members to discuss the pending immigration bills when word of an executive order arrived. Faced with questions from lawmakers on the new development, an aide said the team felt "totally caught off guard."
Ivanka Trump was seen leaving the Oval Office around the same time, but walked too quickly for reporters to get a question to her. In the White House's telling, it was her pressure, along with the first lady's, that helped lead Trump to his decision.
"Ivanka feels very strongly," Trump said on Wednesday when asked if his daughter showed him photos of the separations. "My wife feels very strongly about it. I feel very strongly about it. I think anybody with a heart would feel very strongly about it. We don't like to see families separated."
Over the weekend, Trump angrily watched as members of his administration contradicted themselves on television while images of the detention facilities aired on a split-screen. Insisting the reality on the ground was not as bad as it was portrayed in the media, he vented that no one was adequately defending him against claims of cruelty.
As the week began, the outcry grew louder. Trump dug in, carving out time in otherwise unrelated speeches to explain why he could not end the horrifying practice himself. He personally signed off on a plan to deploy Kirstjen Nielsen, the homeland security secretary he'd previously chastised as weak on borders, to spar with reporters. Afterward, he tweeted he was pleased with her performance.
Even as late as Tuesday evening, Trump adamantly insisted to staff that his hardline stance on immigration -- the most potent issue of his 2016 presidential campaign -- would help the Republican Party with voters in November's midterm elections. He cast the issue as a cultural flashpoint that his conservative base would devour, such as his attacks on NFL players who kneel or his defense of Confederate statues.
But by the next morning, his attitude had changed. Nielsen, who'd become the face of the separation policy after the contentious briefing on Monday, was heckled at a Mexican restaurant a block from the White House. Republican lawmakers, who emerged from a Tuesday meeting with Trump unsure on how they'd be able to fix the problem, stepped up their calls for him to fix it himself.
Even his wife told him the situation was untenable, and to do something about it. And so, for one of the only times in his three-year-old political career, Trump backed down. Speaking from the Cabinet Room, the President captured his internal conflict.
"The dilemma is that if you're weak -- if you're weak, which some people would like you to be, if you're really, really, pathetically weak, the country's going to be overrun with millions of people," he said, gesticulating widely to illustrate the dueling options. "And if you're strong, then you don't have any heart. That's a tough dilemma. Perhaps I'd rather be strong, but that's a tough dilemma."
As quickly as Trump reversed course on the separation matter, speculation mounted over the fate of the advisers who crafted the policy: Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Miller, the 32-year-old policy aide who has drawn liberal ire for his uncompromising immigration stance.
Sessions, who announced and defended the "zero-tolerance" policy over the course of the past month, is already Trump's most hated Cabinet official for his recusal from the Russia investigation. One White House official said late Wednesday the immigration mess was unlikely to help his prospects.
Miller could also face internal rebuke, people familiar with the matter said. But he did not appear to be losing his stature right away. As Trump prepared to sign the executive order, he was seen by staffers outside on a bench near the Rose Garden, laughing and chatting with colleagues. He joined the President on Air Force One for his trip to a campaign rally in Duluth.
How does Trump's Space Force compare to Russia and China's space capabilities?
Speaking at a space policy event at the White House Monday, Trump insisted that "we must have American dominance in space," and announced he is "directing the Department of Defense and Pentagon to immediately begin the process necessary to establish the Space Force as the sixth branch of the armed forces."
"We are going to have the Air Force and we are going to have the Space Force," he said. "Separate but equal, it is going to be something so important."
Space, he said, is "going to be important monetarily and militarily. We don't want China and Russia and other countries leading us. We've always led -- we've gone way far afield for decades now."
The creation of a militarized space force is by no means a new concept. In the US, the development of an advanced space program has been a critical element of national security since the Eisenhower administration.
This process was accelerated during the Cold War, following the rapid expansion of the Soviet Union's own satellite and space programs. Today, the United States is among a number of countries to maintain an advanced space program, utilizing technologies such as navigation satellites for military purposes.
On Wednesday, US Secretary of Defense James Mattis attempted to clarify that the US is "not weaponizing space -- we are dealing with space as it's developing."
He said that establishing a Space Force would "require legislation and a lot of detail, planning and we have not yet begun," adding that he planned to raise the matter with the administration's national security adviser, John Bolton, later this week.
'The ultimate high ground'
Speaking to CNN, military analyst US Lt. Col. Rick Francona (ret.) said that most US military leaders understand that the United States needs to be the dominant force in space to maintain its competitive edge.
"I hate the term 'the final frontier' but (space) is the ultimate high ground. Space doesn't dominate one small geographic area -- it dominates continents, oceans," said Francona.
"Most military thinkers know this is the battle space of the future."
In 1967, the US joined the Soviet Union in signing the Outer Space Treaty, an international set of agreements meant to prevent weapons of mass destruction from being placed in space.
What shape Trump's Space Force will eventually take currently remains unclear, though any serious attempts to place weaponized systems into space will likely prove contentious.
"The US military relies heavily on space based operations, including communications, command and control, intelligence, surveillance, and all facets of operations," said Francona.
"It's essential (for US interests) that the US military has not only access to, but dominance of space."
Following remarks made in May by Trump, US Rep. Mike Rogers, an Alabama Republican congressman who has long advocated for the inclusion of a separate branch of the military to defend American interests and defenses in space, told CNN that "Russia and China are surpassing us in space capabilities and we need to dedicate a separate force solely with a space mission.
"The future of war will be fought in space, and we must stay diligent and ahead of other countries for our own national security."
There is some cause for urgency. Putin has boasted of Russian development of a hypersonic glide vehicle that can be launched into space, navigate on its own into Earth's atmosphere and avoid radar and antimissile defenses.
Similarly, while Chinese officials have always stressed the country's "peaceful motives" behind its space exploration and utilization China has developed and tested anti-satellite and antiballistic missile weapons, that analysts say could disrupt and destroy most US communication satellites.
A 2015 report prepared by the US Department of Defense suggested China was developing co-orbital anti-satellite systems to target US space assets.
"These systems consist of a satellite armed with a weapon such as an explosive charge, fragmentation device, kinetic energy weapon, laser, radio frequency weapon, jammer, or robotic arm," read the report.
Responding to a question from CNN regarding Trump's announcement Tuesday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang said that "Outer space is an asset shared by all mankind. China always advocates the peaceful use of outer space, and opposes the weaponization of outer space and space arms races."
Asked whether the formation of the the US Space Force could spark a renewed space race, Geng said that China was "even more opposed to treating outer space as a battleground. We hope all sides will make a joint effort to earnestly preserve lasting peace and calm in outer space."
At present, space weaponry broadly falls into three categories.
"Weapons from the ground that attack spaceborne assets, (such as) lasers to blind and interfere with satellites' guidance; weapons in space that attack other assets in space; and space borne weapons attacking targets on earth," said Francona.
According to Francona, there are only three powers capable of operating a space-based military presence: Russia, China and the US.
"Both Russia and China have acknowledged they are developing -- or have developed -- counter-space capabilities," US Navy Adm. Cecil D. Haney said in 2015.
"Both countries have advanced directed energy capabilities that could be used to track or blind satellites, disrupting key operations, and both have demonstrated the ability to perform complex maneuvers in space."
While the US was the first country to develop anti-satellite technology, back in the Kennedy era, much of this technology has fallen by the wayside, given an assumed dominance of space, said Brian Weeden, Technical Adviser for the Secure World Foundation, which promotes cooperative solutions for space sustainability and the peaceful uses of outer space.
Similarly, Russia's programs atrophied at the end of the cold war but there's now "evidence that they're reconstituting them, and China is building its space capabilities, both offensive and defensive (from) reconnaissance satellites, communication satellites (and) evidence that it's building ground launched anti-satellite missiles," said Weeden.
Currently the US' space operations are largely in a defensive posture, said Weeden, but with Chinese and Russian developments in the field some advocates of a stronger military presence, like US Rep. Mike Rogers, have argued that this may need to change.
Air Force Secretary Heather Wilson, has also said the US needs to embrace a new policy and make it clear that if command and control or warning satellites are targeted, the US "would consider that to be a hostile act" and respond.
"It's probably time as a country that we start to talk about this," said Wilson.
Judge sends Paul Manafort to jail, pending trial
Two weeks after special counsel Robert Mueller's prosecutors dropped new accusations of witness tampering on him, US District Judge Amy Berman Jackson on Friday revoked Manafort's bail, which had allowed him to live in his Alexandria, Virginia, apartment under house arrest.
The order marked an end to almost eight months of attempts by Manafort to lighten his house arrest restrictions after he was charged and pleaded not guilty to foreign lobbying violations.
"The harm in this case is harm to the administration of justice and harm to the integrity of the court's system," Berman Jackson told Manafort in court.
The judge emphasized to Manafort how she could not make enough rulings to keep him from speaking improperly with witnesses, after he had used multiple text messaging apps and called a potential witness on an Italian cellphone.
"This is not middle school. I can't take his cellphone," she said of Manafort. "I thought about this long and hard, Mr. Manafort. I have no appetite for this."
Manafort also entered a not guilty plea to two additional charges levied against him last week, of witness tampering and conspiracy to obstruct justice. In total, he faces seven criminal charges in DC federal court.
Three US marshals led Manafort out of the packed courtroom into the prisoner holding area immediately after the judge's ruling. He was not placed in handcuffs. Before he disappeared through the door, he turned toward his wife and supporters and gave a stilted wave.
Minutes later, a marshal returned to give Manafort's wife, Kathleen, still standing in the courtroom's front row, his wallet, belt and the burgundy tie he wore Friday.
Court marshals held Manafort in the bowels of the courthouse for several hours following the hearing as they considered how to keep him protected from other inmates behind bars. He arrived about 8 p.m. at the Northern Neck Regional Jail in Warsaw, Virginia, 90 miles south of Washington.
In a tweet, President Donald Trump said the decision to revoke Manafort's bail was "tough," although he referred to it as a "sentence."
"Wow, what a tough sentence for Paul Manafort, who has represented Ronald Reagan, Bob Dole and many other top political people and campaigns. Didn't know Manafort was the head of the Mob. What about Comey and Crooked Hillary and all of the others? Very unfair!"
In her wind-up to her order, Berman Jackson also gave a brief nod to the bitter environment around the case:
"This hearing is not about politics, is not about conduct of the office of the special counsel."
'Danger to the community'
When Manafort was first arraigned and pleaded not guilty in October, a magistrate judge set a $10 million bail price and placed him under house arrest, confiscating his passports. Manafort then attempted to find assets of his own and through real estate and family members' accounts. In December, the judge signed off on his plan -- provided he could supply the correct documentation. It didn't come through, according to the court filings.
Prosecutors have argued all along that the jet-setting political consultant was a significant flight risk. As the process to negotiate his bail dragged on, prosecutors discovered possible mortgage fraud related to some of the properties he hoped to use as bail. That's when they finalized additional federal criminal charges against him in Virginia.
In the past month, Manafort finally came up with a plan to post some of his own and others' properties for his bail. The prosecutors appeared to agree with the plan, according to court filings.
Then, last week, Mueller's team alleged they found evidence Manafort had tried to coach potential witnesses.
On Friday, they told the judge Manafort was a "danger to the community" and that he had committed a crime while out on release: obstruction of justice.
Prosecutor Greg Andres described the following scene to the court from February 24, a day after Manafort's co-defendant, his longtime deputy Rick Gates, flipped:
A man was driving with his wife through rural Italy when his phone rang. Manafort identified himself to the man, Alan Friedman, a public relations consultant he once worked with.
"I need to give you a heads up about Hapsburg," Manafort told him three times. "Have you seen any article about Hapsburg?"
Manafort was referring to a project he and Friedman had worked on years ago to bring influential Europeans to the US to push pro-Ukrainian politics while the group posed as independent experts. The project, dubbed the Hapsburg group, was among Manafort's efforts to skirt foreign lobbying laws, prosecutors allege.
Friedman turned down the radio as Manafort spoke, Andres said, then hung up the phone a minute and a half into the call. Manafort tried several more times to reach him in the following days.
Andres said prosecutors now know Manafort used multiple ways to communicate with former colleagues like Friedman and Konstantin Kilimnik, a Moscow-based associate who's also charged in the alleged witness tampering: In addition to phone calls and half a dozen encrypted messaging apps, Manafort uses a system with email called "foldering," where multiple people have access to an account and write messages to one another as drafts,but the emails are never sent.
"This was a sustained campaign over a five-week period to use multiple numbers, applications and people," Andres said in court about the witness tampering allegations.
Manafort's lawyer Richard Westling argued that Manafort had no way to know Friedman would be a witness in the case. Westling asked the judge to simply issue a more specific order for Manafort to follow while out on bail.
"This will not happen again," Westling said.
But the witness tampering allegations, which also resulted in new criminal charges, were enough Friday for Manafort to lose his house arrest privileges.
He faces another 18 criminal charges for financial fraud and false reporting allegations in Virginia federal court. That case is set to go to trial earlier than the DC case, with a late July start date.
His DC trial is set to begin in September, meaning he could spend the next three or more months imprisoned.
Manafort has maintained his innocence and vowed to fight the charges since he was indicted alongside Gates in late October. Gates has since changed his plea to guilty and agreed to help prosecutors, because of the significant cost of his legal fees and attention bearing down on him and his family. Another associate of Manafort's, Kilimnik, was charged with witness tampering and has not yet appeared in court.
Prosecutors haven't tied Manafort, Gates and Kilimnik's alleged wrongdoings to the actions of the Trump campaign, which is at the core of Mueller's investigation. However, prosecutors have said in several previous court filings that they are looking into Manafort's contacts with Russians and Ukrainians -- including Kilimnik -- and possible coordination he may have orchestrated with them while he oversaw the campaign.
Manafort had spent his days since October stuck in his apartment under court order. He could leave only for legal meetings, medical needs and religious observances. The judge had allowed him to travel a few times for special exceptions, such as to his father-in-law's funeral on Long Island and his grandson's baptism in Virginia.
He wore ankle bracelets that tracked his movements through GPS technology, one on each leg.
Leading up to Friday's hearing, Manafort was optimistic he would avoid jail, according to a source familiar with the situation, but he and his legal team expected Mueller's team to be as aggressive as possible.
His friends were "shellshocked" in the wake of the judge's decision Friday, the source said.
Manafort's new confines create another hurdle in his trial preparations and will make it more difficult for him to confer with his counsel and prepare his defense.
CLARIFICATION: This story has been updated to clarify whose baptism Manafort was permitted to attend. It was his grandson's.